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Big Ben

"The sweeping view of the Docklands, the City's cluster of towers, the dome of St Paul's and, upriver around a curve in the Thames, the pinnacles of the Read Big Ben London Attraction
The National Gallery of London

The National Gallery has flourished since its inception in the early 19th century. In 1824 George IV persuaded a reluctant government to buy 38 major Read National Gallery of London
Tower of London

Tower of London is one of the most essential sights in London and a window into a fascinating history. It corresponds to every myth ever invented about England. Read Tower of London

Westminster was founded on religion. On the boggy banks of the Tyburn river, more than 2 miles (3 km) upstream from the busy walled London. Read Westminster

There are problems with Stonehenge not just the age old problems of interpreting Europe's best known ancient site, but modern problems of security Read Stonehenge
St. Paul's Cathedral

London St. Paul's sits marooned in a green churchyard. Twin towers guard the west front, built in 1707 the northern tower houses the largest bell. Read St. Paul's Cathedral
Lundy Island

This little, windswept, granite island lies at the mouth of the Bristol Channel where it meets the Atlantic Ocean. Only 5 kilometres (3 miles) long by Read Lundy Island England

Chief of the many treasures in the city of Canterbury is the cathedral, Mother Church of the Church of England and seat of its premier archbishop. Read Canterbury
Buckingham Palace

Bought by George III in 1762, the building was overhauled by Nash in the late 1820s, and again by Aston Webb in time for George V's coronation in Read England Buckingham Palace

The political situation during the 1920s was extremely complex. In foreign affairs, it was soon discovered that all had not been solved by the First World War Read 1920s
1920s Fashion

Clothing for both sexes underwent a revolution in the 1920s. Styles were produced that had never been seen before, and which frequently shocked Read 1920s Fashion
1930s Fashion

Nearly everyone, male and female, wore a hat or cap when going out, for instance, and men only sat in their shirtsleeves in the privacy of their own homes. Read 1930s Fashion

The emergence of Mrs Thatcher as Conservative Prime Minister (1979) provided to some a necessary order, “the return to the old values, the home coming for Read 1970s

The Saxons were defeated by Norman invaders from northern France in 1066. England was then ruled by a Norman king (William I) and, his barons. For the next 400 Read this Extract
Roman London

The Roman invasion camp There is one certain fact about the origin of London: it was founded by the Romans sometime between AD 43 when they initiated Read this Extract
Queen Victoria

Victoria was Queen of Great Britain for 64 years, from 1837 to 1901. Hers was the longest reign of any monarch in British history. We call British people of that Read this Extract

Who were the Vikings? The word `Viking' meant `sea robber'. It was the name given to people who sailed to Britain from Norway, Sweden and Denmark more than a Read Viking
William I

Following his coronation on Christmas Day 1066, at Westminster Abbey, William sent his Norman soldiers to every part of the kingdom. Their task Read this Extract

Sun May 1 14:14:06 2016

In the early 1970s, polluting industries were given a windfall political opening to take their case public—the “energy crisis.” Entering America’s political lexicon in the early 1970s, the term pointed to accumulating stresses in the U.S. energy supply system. With natural gas supplies tight and electric power plants operating at close to capacity in many parts of the country, demand for oil surged at the same time that a twenty-year surplus in world oil markets came to an end. With domestic oil production now lacking any spare capacity, by 1972 the U.S. had become heavily dependent on Middle Eastern supplies to satisfy its boundless appetite for petroleum. The energy crisis was most dramatically symbolized by the “Arab oil embargo” of 1973. In retaliation for aid to Israel during the Yom Kippur War of 1973, Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) began an embargo on all shipments of oil to the United States and rolling cutbacks of overall production.106 Within months, crude oil prices nearly quadrupled, gas prices jumped some 40%, and gas lines of queuing motorists appeared in some parts of the country. President Nixon advocated a “Project Independence” to free the U.S. from dependence on foreign energy sources by accelerating the development of domestic fuels.107 Although the embargo itself ended in March, it augured the end of the era of cheap oil. The oil price shock exacted a heavy toll on the U.S. economy, helping end the long postwar boom and send the economy into deep recession. Between 1973 and 1975, the GNP fell 6 percent, and unemployment doubled to 9 percent.108 Led by energy interests, industries reeling from a string of political defeats at the hands of the environmental movement seized upon the energy crisis to proclaim that environmental rules were a fundamental obstacle to meeting the nation’s energy needs. As political scientist Eric Smith writes, “Spokespeople for a wide range of business interests joined the debate with a chorus of requests to relax various environmental regulations in order to save energy. To them, the energy crisis was an opportunity to beat back environmental advances.”109 The petroleum industry immediately portrayed the crisis as partly a result of restrictive environmental rules and “pressure by environmental groups.”110 The National Association of Manufacturers demanded the “removal of arbitrary restrictions on the development of energy resources.”111 And power-plant operators blamed environmentalists for slowing the development of the nation’s abundant domestic energy sources, particularly coal.112 By late 1973, Gladwin Hill, environment beat reporter for the New York Times, would observe, “From the industrial sector particularly has come a drumfire of suggestions that the energy shortage necessitates broad-gauge repudiation of environmental controls.”113 For their part, electric utilities and other coal-related industries hoped that the multilayered “energy crisis” would herald a major resurgence of coal. Since the end of World War II, coal use in the United States had dropped by nearly a half. Now, with public opposition growing to nuclear plants, natural gas supplies low, and an oil price shock, many in government and industry agreed with the National Petroleum Council’s assessment that coal would again be the crucial fuel for U.S. industrial growth. The “energy crisis” appeared to offer “King Coal” a new lease on life, and calls went out to rapidly expand the number of coal-fired power plants to meet the nation’s energy needs.114 For the coal coalition, restrictive new environmental rules seemed the only obstacle to this promising future. Utilities found two policies implemented by the EPA under the Clean Air Act particularly objectionable: “No Significant Deterioration” and stack scrubbers. Both symbolized what was seen as the flawed, cost-blind approach to environmental regulation. The “No Significant Deterioration” controversy emerged after courts interpreted the Clean Air Act as requiring that so-called “pure air” regions—areas with cleaner air than required under the Act—not undergo “significant deterioration” of air quality. Utilities and other smokestack industries claimed that this “No Significant Deterioration” rule would virtually halt new plant construction in many parts of the country.115 The Western Energy Supply and Transmission Associates, a group of western utilities, argued that under this rule “the southwestern US will be denied the opportunity of economic growth, and [our] members will be prevented from meeting their responsibility of providing adequate electric power.”116 The National Coal Association, meanwhile, charged that court decisions outlawing significant deterioration had “thrown the nation into…instant no-growth policy.”